A state within a state? The problem of Serbs in Bosnia - Politics Today

The Republika Srpska cannot deploy independent armed forces in accordance with international agreements, and Bosnia's multinational army is obliged to protect all citizens, regardless of their religion and nationality.

Bosnian Serb troops take part in a parade in East Sarajevo, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Jan. 9, 2023, to mark Republika Srpska Day, one of the country's two ethnic regions, locally called entities.

Photo by Anadolu Images

Bosnia and Herzegovina is made up of different ethnic and religious communities. Serbs, as a prominent minority, have their own autonomous unit, the Republika Srpska, which is half of the Bosnian state, the other half being the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Republika Srpska has its own legal bodies and institutions, but still must abide by national law.

This system, however, does not seem to work as intended, especially when the largest minority demands separatism. The issue of separatism has a legal and political basis. Milorad Dodik's recent legislation, passed on June 27, deals with property. His goal is to protect Serbian property, as he fears Bosnian authorities will either confiscate it or hand it over to Europeans who want to buy real estate in Bosnia.

In the meantime, Bosnian lawmakers are pushing for the nationalization of state property, because for them, real estate should not be run by state entities, but should belong to the state of Bosnia and Herzegovina as a whole. The Serbian residents of Republika Srpska are alarmed by such news: they want full control of the property under their jurisdiction. This shows a desire for independence, and Dodik has threatened Bosnia with an independence referendum that would allow it to secede from the country.

The Bosnian Serbs' desire for an independent foreign policy.

Dodik's motives for separatism can be traced in his presentation of foreign policy. He believes that the West is responsible for bringing countries to wars and has taken a pro-Russian stance in most policy decisions. For example, he blames the West for the war in Ukraine. This position stems from his political experience in the Yugoslav wars, which he believes were instigated by the West. That's why he wants to keep Bosnia away from Western influence.

Dodik has found an alternative in the political goals of Serbian Prime Minister Aleksandar Vucic. From 2020, Vučić is formulating new goals for his country's foreign policy, which he calls "Srpski Svet" (Serbian Peace). To this end, the policy envisages the expansion of Serbian influence in the Balkans. According to Srpski Svet, Serbia should have more influence in countries with Serb minorities and become an independent player linking Europe and Eurasia.

Dodik is known as a supporter of Russia, and Putin often expresses his support for him. Vucic's foreign policy agenda bears similarities to Putin's "Russian World," in which he promotes ethno-nationalism and independence.

Military parade and separatist sentiment

A military parade is held during the celebration of the establishment of Republika Srpska in 1992, despite its unconstitutionality according to the Constitutional Court of Bosnia and Herzegovina, in Srpska, Bosnia and Herzegovina. Banja Luka, Bosnia and Herzegovina.

Photo by Anadolu Images

Domestic problems are also a powerful reason to pursue separatist policies in the Balkans. Ethnic and religious divisions are present in the political rhetoric of populist politicians. On July 30, Dodik denied the genocide of Muslims at Srebrenica and argued that Bosniaks need public support, reinforcing the myth of Serb martyrdom. Dodik believes Bosniaks are "second-class people" who have traded their Orthodox faith for material prosperity.

The Republika Srpska holds public ceremonies at which Catholic Croats and Muslim Bosniaks (Bosniaks) are cursed. These events glorify Serbian war criminals such as Ratko Mladic. Dodik deliberately maintains the nationalist agitation associated with the Yugoslav wars of the 1990s, fueled by his desire to keep Republika Srpska under his jurisdiction ethnically homogeneous. As a result, other ethnic groups, such as Croats and Bosniaks, do not settle in Republika Srpska. Dodik also rejects Serbs willing to serve in the Bosnian army.

From a legal point of view, Republika Srpska cannot deploy independent armed forces in accordance with international agreements, and Bosnia's multinational army is obliged to protect all citizens, regardless of their religion and nationality. As a matter of principle, an army cannot be composed of members of a single ethnic group; however, Dodik argues in favor of creating a Serbian army to protect Serbs. A regional army based on nationality would significantly reduce Sarajevo's control over Republika Srpska.

Dialogue on the future of Bosnian Serbs

Dodik is not limiting his diplomatic ties with Russia and Serbia. Last year, he invited Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan and Croatian President Zoran Milanovic to participate in a dialog on resolving Bosnia and Herzegovina's internal problems. He was also invited by Erdogan to the Turkish parliament, where he welcomed Erdogan's statements on reducing foreign influence in Bosnia. Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban tried to convince Dodik to integrate with the EU instead of becoming an independent foreign country. The two have a close relationship and Dodik is closely following Orban's proposals. Mediation efforts by Orban, Erdogan and Milanovic, who are familiar with the political culture of the Balkans, can help Bosnia deal with the problem of separatism. While traditional actors such as Russia and the United States are on opposite sides, new mediators may find a compromise.