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Trump Says He Wants Housing Prices Up — Why That Matters for US Property Buyers

Trump Says He Wants Housing Prices Up — Why That Matters for US Property Buyers

Trump Says He Wants Housing Prices Up — Why That Matters for US Property Buyers

Trump’s line on housing: for owners, not buyers

When Donald Trump said “I don’t want to drive housing prices down. I want to drive housing prices up for people that own their homes,” he framed housing policy as a choice between protecting home equity and expanding access. That comment landed in the middle of a national affordability debate that is reshaping the real estate USA conversation. It also conflicted with an earlier campaign pledge to cut the cost of a new home in half by removing regulatory barriers to construction.

We should be blunt: those two goals clash. If new, cheaper starter homes flood the market, the value of existing homes will fall. If policy is calibrated to keep existing homeowners’ equity intact, buyers — especially first-time buyers and renters — will face even steeper barriers. That tension is at the heart of the current housing affordability crisis.

How steep are today’s housing costs?

The scale of the problem is simple to state and hard to swallow. Owning a median-priced home now consumes nearly half the income of a family at the middle of the income distribution. For renters, housing accounts for almost 40% of total expenditures. Those figures explain why housing is often the dominant budget item for American households and why it drives political anger.

Some quick context for readers who track real estate USA: mortgage rates, construction costs, property taxes, and local job markets all shape affordability. But income distribution is increasingly decisive. High-paid, college-educated professionals move into cities for jobs; they bid up prices and rents. Workers without a degree are left behind.

New research complicates the simple "build more" story

There is broad agreement across political lines that increasing supply should help. Homebuilders lobby for fewer zoning restrictions; the Biden administration has signaled support for reforms. But a recent academic study by researchers at UCLA, the London School of Economics, UC Berkeley, the University of Toronto and Georgia Tech casts doubt on how fast and how far deregulation alone can restore affordability.

Key findings from that study that every buyer, investor and policymaker should note:

  • Rents and house prices largely rose in line with average incomes in many cities rather than because of zoning alone.
  • Where high-skilled wages surged, housing costs tracked those gains, leaving lower-income workers unable to keep up.
  • In Houston, despite comparatively lax zoning, rents rose about fourfold between 1980 and 2019, roughly matching wage growth for workers with a college degree but outpacing gains for lower-paid workers.
  • In San Francisco, where regulations are tighter, average rents rose sevenfold over the same period, and rents for poorer tenants rose 6.5 times. Wages for non-college workers rose only 3.5 times.

What this shows is that supply constraints do explain some price pressure in coastal cities, but they are not the whole story. Where high-earners concentrate, they change the demand profile across neighborhoods and cities. Building extra units can blunt price growth, but demand-side shifts driven by inequality will still lift prices above what lower-income households can afford.

How fast could more building help? The math is sobering

The study’s modeling offers a reality check for supply-side optimism. Using estimates for the responsiveness of prices to new construction, the researchers modeled an aggressive construction scenario: housing stock growth of 1.5% a year. That annual expansion rate is at the 90th percentile of US city growth between 2000 and 2020 — a fast pace by historical standards.

Under that scenario, prices would fall by only 0.6% to 4% per year. That bandwidth matters because compounding matters.

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At those rates, the time required to restore affordability for a worker without a college degree is measured in decades:

  • New York (median one-bedroom for median non-college worker): 16.7 to 113.4 years
  • Boston: 8.9 to 60.4 years
  • San Francisco: 18.3 to 124.1 years

Those ranges are wide because they depend on assumptions about how quickly new market-rate units lower market prices and how housing depreciates in price in response to added supply. But the takeaway is clear: even rapid building will likely take a very long time to restore affordability for lower-income workers if wage inequality keeps widening.

Why relaxing zoning won’t be a silver bullet

Advocates of zoning reform are right that rules matter. Limiting density or prohibiting multifamily development in certain neighborhoods makes it harder to add supply where demand is strongest. Yet the study and real-world examples highlight several countervailing forces:

  • Building more market-rate housing in high-demand areas can raise local land values and construction costs, muting the downward pressure on prices.
  • New units often serve higher-income newcomers rather than displaced lower-income residents; that can accelerate price increases in surrounding neighborhoods.
  • Supply growth that is uneven geographically leaves affordability problems intact in the places where wages for low-paid workers failed to keep pace with high-skilled wage gains.

Put simply, deregulation can help, but it is unlikely to reduce housing costs fast enough or broadly enough on its own to restore affordability across the income distribution.

Why rent control is also problematic

Some policy proposals veer the other way. Expanded rent control has vocal supporters, such as the plan by New York City council member Zohran Mamdani. Renters welcome the idea because controls can protect low-income tenants in the short term.

But the academic literature and past experience show trade-offs:

  • Rent control preserves tenancy for some current residents but reduces incentives for landlords to maintain or add rental units.
  • Landlords may convert rental apartments to condos or remove units from the rental market, shrinking the overall supply of affordable rentals.
  • One study cited in the literature finds rent control contributed to gentrification in San Francisco by altering owners’ and developers’ incentives.

So rent control can help a protected subset of renters but can make the broader affordability problem worse over time if supply shrinks.

The role of monetary policy and political signaling

Trump’s public suggestion that interest rates could be cut to support home prices highlights another wrinkle. Mortgage costs are driven by long-term interest rates. If political interference spooks investors and pushes up long-term rates, mortgage costs could rise, and housing affordability would worsen. That means using monetary policy to try to prop up home values carries risk.

We must also factor in construction costs. Deregulation that increases the pace of building may not reduce prices as much as expected if materials, labor, and land remain expensive.

What this means for buyers, renters and investors

I’m mindful that readers come to this analysis with different goals. Here are practical implications for each group based on the evidence.

For buyers and first-time buyers:

  • Recognize that housing affordability is tied to local labor markets and income distribution. Look at where wages for your occupation are rising, not just where prices are falling.
  • Calculate housing cost as a share of your income. If buying a median-priced home will consume near 50% of your household income, that is risky for financial flexibility.
  • Consider markets with balanced job growth across skill levels; some Sun Belt cities showed strong supply growth historically, but job composition matters.

For renters:

  • Short-term protections like rent caps can help, but they are not a substitute for long-term supply strategies or income support.
  • Know local tenant protections and eviction rules. Those legal structures affect both stability and investment returns in the rental market.

For investors:

  • Don’t assume deregulation will instantly unlock price appreciation or safe yield. Policy changes take time to affect supply, and effects on land and construction costs can offset benefits.
  • Focus on fundamentals: job growth mix, wage trends by occupation, vacancy rates, and cap-rate expectations.
  • Be mindful of policy risk: cities may expand tenant protections or impose fees and taxes to offset any perceived windfall from development.

Policy combinations worth considering

If the goal is to make housing affordable across the income distribution, policymakers should think about mixing supply and demand answers. The research suggests supply-only strategies have limits. Complementary options include:

  • Targeted subsidies or vouchers for low-income households to bridge the gap while supply grows.
  • Investments in workforce development and wages in occupations that have lagged behind — narrowing income inequality reduces demand pressure at the top.
  • Strategic zoning reform targeted to areas with strong infrastructure and access to jobs, combined with requirements for some affordable units in new developments.
  • Public investment in non-market housing: expanded public or nonprofit construction aimed at low- and moderate-income families.

No single policy will remove decades of built-up inequality and supply shortfalls. But a layered approach can move the needle faster than deregulation alone.

What to watch next in real estate USA

  • Local zoning reform packages and whether they include affordable-housing mandates.
  • Wage trends for non-college workers in major metros; if those rise, affordability improves without waiting for decades of construction.
  • Construction costs, especially materials and labor shortages, which can blunt the impact of added housing permits.
  • Any federal moves on housing vouchers, tax credits, or direct funding for affordable units.

I expect political rhetoric will continue to promise quick fixes, but the data suggest patience and a broader policy mix are required.

Frequently Asked Questions

Q: Will building more housing fix affordability quickly?

A: No. Research shows that even an aggressive annual housing stock increase of 1.5% — a historically fast rate — would cut prices by only 0.6% to 4% per year, meaning affordability could take decades to return for many workers.

Q: Is zoning the main cause of high urban housing prices?

A: Zoning contributes, especially in highly regulated coastal cities, but it is not the sole cause. Rising wages among college-educated workers and income inequality drive much of the demand that pushes prices up.

Q: Would rent control solve the problem?

A: Expanded rent control can protect specific tenants but often reduces the overall supply of rental housing and can encourage conversions or demolitions, worsening long-term affordability.

Q: What should a first-time buyer do now?

A: Assess local job-market dynamics, calculate housing costs as a share of your income, and consider markets where wage growth for your occupation is strong. Be cautious of places where prices far outpace broader income gains.

If housing stock were to grow at 1.5% a year, research suggests prices would fall only 0.6–4% annually, which means meaningful affordability gains could take decades unless measures to reduce income inequality accompany supply reforms.

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